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Because the can do as they please, dictators can surround themselves and employ technocrats instead of popular personalities, which is helpful in modernizing the nation even when the majority of the population are reluctant to abandon their traditional ways. Dictators do not need to ensure the support of or appeal to a specific constituency by including them (for example by picking a Latino for the supreme court)[[http:///news/2009/aug/07/risking-hispanic-vote/]]. In that sense, a dictator's decisions will have a tendency to represent his own economic interest in development, rather than the popularity or political affiliation of the decision.
To do the latter is an inefficiency displayed widely in democracies. Here, the head of government must surround himself with a cabinet composed of fellow party members and allies, regardless of their credentials, in order to secure parliamentary and electoral support, which means he cannot go against the views of the people, who sometimes elect a candidate because they espouse their own views, because they belong to the same clan, or even because they are simply popular and charismatic.
We want to contrast examples of two Latin American countries. The first is Chile, a dictatorship where Pinochet, helped by the Chicago Boys (advisors) applied a plan consisting in privatizations. The consequence was known as the Chilean Miracle.
The second, Venezuela, was a consolidated democracy in 1989 when the President, Carlos Andrés Pérez, employed a cabinet full of technocrats from the venezuelan Institute IESA (the IESA boys) who, just like the Chicago boys prescribed a treatment of free market and privatizations. But the president had run on a platform of populism.

Trump had simply said that the . "has great strength and patience, but if it is forced to defend itself or its allies, we will have no choice but to totally destroy North Korea," a relatively measured response to years of hostilities from Kim's regime.

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